During and after the NATO-backed civil
war of 2011 arms and ammunition were stolen. It is not terribly difficult to smuggle these weapons into Egypt. The border is
extensive and porous and weakly
patrolled. “Transfers from Libya of more regular and significant quantities of
arms and, at times, fighters have developed towards two geographic
areas: Egypt and the Sahel,” wrote the Panel of Experts,
established by the UN Security Council after resolution 1973 on arms
trade, military activities and Libyan financial assets of 2011 was
adopted. The Panel monitors and promotes the implementation of the sanctions.
After the overthrow of
Kadaffi, Libyan arms started to flow into Egypt. Not for all these
arms Egypt is the end destination. The panel states: “Multiple
sources indicate that the end destination for the majority of arms is
the Gaza Strip, but this is difficult to verify. It is also likely
that a smaller proportion of arms remain in the Sinai for use against
the Government of Egypt by the low-level insurgency in that region.
The Egyptian authorities informed the Panel that arms also dispersed
throughout other parts of Egypt. While as yet unproven, it is
possible that hubs along this trafficking route may in the future
serve as points for onward transfers to other countries.” (UN Panel p. 12, 2013) One
of these other recipients are Syrian rebels which received big
shipments of Libyan arms trough Egypt.
In January 2012 the Panel
was provided information that 567 weapons and 1,132,411 bullets were
smuggled into Egypt through its border with Libya (UN Panel p. 117,2012 and see also). Since then, the flows of arms into Egypt seem to have increased
significantly. Libyan weapons have been seized in all parts of the
country. In January 2013 the Panel got a list of seized arms and
ammunition. “Since the imposition of the arms embargo, the Egyptian
authorities have seized hundreds of small, light and heavy weapons
systems, hundreds of rounds of ammunition for heavy weapons systems
and hundreds of thousands of rounds of ammunition for small arms and
machine guns (upon request of the Egyptian authorities, the detailed
list will not be published).”
The arms are smuggled
through southern and the northern coastal routes, but also by boat
from Benghazi and Tubruk on to Marsa and Matruh in Egypt. The
traffickers are Libyans, Egyptians and Palestinian nationals.
Since the second half of 2012
the press started to write more on Egypt itself as final destination
for the clandestine weapons. The Voice of America
for example wrote: “Not all the weaponry flowing into Libya is
going to the Gaza. The Egyptians are becoming alarmed that weapons
are now being stockpiled by Egyptian Salafi groups. They are starting
to uncover arms trafficked from Libya in the Nile Delta and believe
other weapons are being stored in Sinai. It is making them very
nervous.” The Washington Post points at large caches of weapons from Libya which are transported
from Libya to Egypt’s already unstable Sinai Peninsula.
Confiscated weapons run
from small arms to missiles. An example is the seizure of six
anti-aircraft and anti-tank rockets in the Sinai peninsula, early January 2013. Armed Forces spokesperson Ahmed Ali in March 2013 mentioned (without
specifying period and source of the weapons) the fact that Egyptian
border guards stopped the smuggling of 8,138 guns, 450 magazines, 19
rockets and 100
bullets. These are enormous amounts. In June 2012 Egypt has seized a large
weapons consignment, including Grad rockets, that had been smuggled
from Libya and could have been headed to the Gaza Strip. The haul,
which included 138 Grad rockets, a further 139 Grad warheads,
and 400,000 rounds of anti-aircraft ammunition was made in the Mediterranean coastal town of Marsa Matruh, not far
from the Libyan border, Egyptian newspapers reported. There are
numerous other cases reported.
Smuggling activities lead
to violence between security forces and smugglers. Several police
stations and military checkpoints have been attacked. The bloodiest of those attacks resulted in the killing of 16 security
guards. Violence is also affecting local villagers. Inhabitants of an
Egyptian oasis near the Libyan border were punished by the smugglers
setting parts of their farms on fire for reason they cooperated with
the authorities aiming at tightening security in the
region. The war in Libya thus spills over to Egypt, which is even more
serious because of the unstable situation in the country.
Last year, the Netherlands
gave the green light for two arms deals concerning military
navigation radars and fire control radar for so-called Navy Fast
Missile Craft.(See) These ships are armed with different types of missiles
and a 7.62 cm canon and a close-in weapon system. Exports from the
Netherlands to Egypt are on hold but only for "any equipment
which might be used for internal repression". This naval
technology seems to fall outside this definition, although ongoing
deliverances are supporting the military regime in Egypt. The
question must be asked if a military regime, responsible for brutal
murders of civilians, should not be punished by an all out arms
embargo.
The arms smuggling
seems to be counter argument against such a military embargo, at
least on equipment used for tackling the illegal arms flows. Because
part of the smuggling activities go by sea, naval vessels seem to
fall under this category. The Naval Fast Missile Craft
however
are not for use against smugglers but “to ensure the use of sea
lines of communication by Egyptian force,” which points to a higher
level of military power. Moreover, Egypt has a Coast Guard
“for the onshore protection of public installations near the coast
and the patrol of coastal waters to prevent smuggling. Currently
consists of one hundred five ships and craft.” There is no need
for new navy weapons to stop smugglers.What Egypt needs most is a no war
near its borders and an unequivocal condemnation and punishment of the military coupe.
Martin Broek
Research supported by FondsVredesprojecten
Written for Campagne tegen Wapenhandel
