Introduction
|
INDO Defense arms fair, Jakarta 2014 |
The European Network Against Arms Trade
started to work on arms trade to Southeast Asia in 1994, when it was campaigning, together with Indonesian activists, against arms export to Indonesia, at that time a military dictatorship.
The first publication contained a quote of François Heisbourg, at that time CEO of Matra military missile company (now MBDA). He observed that the increasing arms budgets in South East Asia showed great similarity with that of Europe at the eve of World War I.
Twenty years later, April 2014, David Pilling wrote in the
Financial Times
“
Almost every Asian nation is building up its capacity in the air and
on the sea. The people of the region must hope that it is a complete waste of
money.”
Both quotes express
the fear that the arms build-up in Asia contributes to the risk of armed
conflict. In his article- 'Asia follows China into an old-fashioned arms race'
– Pilling argues, like many observers do, that the trend of increasing arms
budgets will gather pace in the coming years. His article was published after
the release of
Military Expenditure 2013 figures by the
renowned Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), which also
highlighted the growth of Asia's military budgets.
The International
Institute of Strategic Studies' (IISS) in London estimated, based on 2012
figures, that the Asian defence expenditure is exceeding that of Europe. (See
e.g. The European Union As A Security Actor: View From India, Eurasia Review,
August 26, 2014.) Due to the present economic crisis, the European budgets are
declining, while those in Asia continue to grow. Looking in a more political
way at the figures however, one notices that most big Asian spenders belong to
the Western sphere of influence: Australia, Japan, Turkey and South-Korea. And
as the European Union is still responsible for 16% of military spending and the
US even for 37%, the big military spending is still taking place in the West,
not in Asia. Based on spending figures one must conclude that Western military
superiority is still unchallenged.
Moreover, a division by region instead of
continent gives a more balanced view. In green, the regions with declining
military budgets in 2013. However in absolute spending figures Europe and the
US are still the main military spenders. We have to wait for the 2014 and
beyond figures to see if this trend continues. In reaction to the conflicts
between Russia and Ukraine on the one hand and the situation in Iraq/Syria on
the other hand the trend might reverse into the direction of larger military
budgets again. One sees this debate on the political and military level gaining
speed. The fact that the UK government recently announced to spend
£3.5 billion on armoured vehicles in the
next three years while also warning about the dangers of “prioritising social
welfare” is an example of where the debate is going. Governments are willing to
sacrifice social security (the right of access to nutrition, health care and
education) to military security.
Arms
Trade
Growing military budgets will benefit military
companies. Of the fifteen largest military companies nine are US-based and five
are located in Western Europe. Russia has only one military company among the
top-fifteen.
Roughly a quarter of the military budgets are
spend on arms acquisitions, which makes over 400 billion US$. The rest of the
budget is spend on issues such as soldiers wages (50%), fuel, buildings, repair
and overhaul etc. Of the 400 billion on arms, roughly one fifth is imported and
makes up the global international arms trade. SIPRI gives a value of US$ 43
billion for 2011, but due to the incompleteness of available figures it states
that: “However, the true figure is likely to be higher.”
When looking into the most recent figures as
provided by the US
Congressional Research Service (CRS) for 2011: “The value of all arms
transfer agreements worldwide (to both developed and developing nations) in
2011 was $85.3 billion. This was an extraordinary increase in arms agreements
values (91.7%) over the 2010 total of $44.5 billion. This total in 2011 is by
far the highest worldwide arms agreements total since 2004.” In this year 2011,
the US has exported its largest amount ever for a single year in the history of
the U.S. arms export program: $66.3 billion. Three quarters of the total global
arms trade comes from the US. Followed by Russia with $4.8 billion in arms
trade agreements in 2011.
But the trend is that regional arms producersitself get a share in production of weapons. Indonesia e.g. has the policy that
Indonesian firms must control at least 51 per cent of a joint defence project,
and the other 49 per cent can be in the hands of its foreign counterpart (2012
Defence Industry Law). The law is part of Indonesia's strategy to provide the
country with a strong defence industry by 2024. The policy is financially
backed by 100 trillion rupiah ($8.25 billion) since 2010, Indonesia's
defence-industry has reached this year 40 per cent of what is considered lowest
essential level, according to Timbul
Siahaan, the Indonesian director general for defence potential.
The so-called Grimett-report of CRS also shows
that the three major arms suppliers to Asia are Russia, the US and Western
Europe.
2009
2013
|
2008
2012
|
Country
|
2008
|
2009
|
2010
|
2011
|
2012
|
2013
|
Total
|
1
|
1
|
India
|
1867
|
1996
|
2897
|
3566
|
4524
|
5581
|
20431
|
2
|
2
|
China
|
1992
|
1453
|
943
|
1020
|
1631
|
1534
|
8573
|
3
|
4
|
Pakistan
|
1047
|
1210
|
2201
|
1051
|
962
|
1002
|
7473
|
4
|
9
|
UAE
|
749
|
560
|
605
|
1213
|
1154
|
2245
|
6524
|
5
|
3
|
S
Korea (ROK)
|
1647
|
815
|
1242
|
1469
|
1039
|
188
|
6399
|
6
|
5
|
United
States
|
944
|
973
|
1113
|
1014
|
1215
|
759
|
6017
|
7
|
6
|
Algeria
|
1529
|
1065
|
808
|
1135
|
877
|
342
|
5756
|
8
|
7
|
Singapore
|
1174
|
1522
|
1018
|
933
|
824
|
142
|
5613
|
9
|
11
|
Saudi
Arabia
|
339
|
733
|
986
|
1160
|
866
|
1486
|
5569
|
10
|
8
|
Australia
|
405
|
756
|
1489
|
1585
|
894
|
303
|
5432
|
11
|
10
|
Turkey
|
675
|
733
|
469
|
642
|
1528
|
604
|
4651
|
12
|
13
|
Venezuela
|
743
|
358
|
208
|
594
|
691
|
476
|
3069
|
13
|
14
|
United
Kingdom
|
529
|
389
|
503
|
355
|
599
|
438
|
2813
|
14
|
20
|
Morocco
|
46
|
39
|
296
|
1411
|
807
|
43
|
2640
|
15
|
16
|
Egypt
|
336
|
159
|
686
|
635
|
312
|
501
|
2628
|
16
|
15
|
Malaysia
|
508
|
1512
|
421
|
5
|
47
|
113
|
2606
|
17
|
17
|
Iraq
|
380
|
402
|
453
|
658
|
504
|
203
|
2600
|
18
|
12
|
Greece
|
516
|
1225
|
648
|
77
|
33
|
66
|
2564
|
19
|
24
|
Vietnam
|
172
|
62
|
152
|
1018
|
758
|
369
|
2531
|
20
|
25
|
Afghanistan
|
152
|
346
|
377
|
672
|
579
|
216
|
2344
|
Table: SIPRI
database major recipients of arms 2008-2013
The ranking
of SIPRI shows that of the 20 major recipients of arms in the period 2008-2013,
the first three were Asian, notably 1) India, 2) China and 3) Pakistan.
Singapore ranked 8, Malaysia ranked 16 and Vietnam ranked 19, all three are
South East Asian countries.
A case study: Cam Song
military shipyard
To give some insight in the world of arms trade
we will have a closer look at an example of trade between the Netherlands and
Vietnam. Just 100 kilometres east from Hanoi, at Cam Song, the biggest Dutch
naval shipbuilder has established a Dutch-Vietnamese wharf joint venture. As
soon as the wharf was established, it started to build small vessels for the
Australian navy. But more important are the plans to build four major surface vessels for the Vietnam navy,
equipped with MBDA Exocet surface target
missiles and 12x MBDA MICA VL surface-to-air missiles. Although often described
as patrol vessels for coast guard duties, these ships have much more
capabilities than just for patrols; notably when armed with these missiles
these are full scale warships. Two of the ships will be build in the
Netherlands, the other two in Vietnam. It is a win-win for both owners for
which Vietnam will pay an estimated € 700 á 800 million. Although the price of
the ships is kept secret so far, it can be deduced from the size of the ships
and recent comparable sales to Morocco and Indonesia. The deal will most likely
include technology transfers; no arms deal is thinkable without that nowadays.
So far, no arms export license is applied for by the Netherlands seller,
probably due to difficulties in providing finance for this major arms transfer.
The four ships are a clear example of regional naval build-up.
The Netherlands is not the only
country doing military business with Hanoi. In the autumn of 2014, the United
Stated eased its arms embargo on Vietnam. The decision prompted reaction by
some republican US-senators urging President Obama to rethink his decision to
ease a decades-old arms embargo and instead condition US arms sales to Vietnam
upon specific progress to Vietnam’s human rights record. But the message is
mixed with other interests. They also want to see Vietnam beefed-up against
China
“In their letter to the President, the senators expressed support for
U.S. efforts to help improve Vietnam’s maritime defence capabilities given
China’s aggressive territorial claims.” Arms exports may be authorized in the best interests of U.S. foreign policy, national security, and human rights concerns on a case-by-case basis when in support of maritime security and domain awareness, states the
Final rule. Human Rights and Power politics go hand-in-hand here.
This brings us to the issue of
territorial disputes around the Paracels and Spratlys, to which these naval
build-ups seem to be a response. These disputes are big issue in South East
Asia, but not well-known in Europe (apart from some scholars). One can
legitimately ask the question why there should be such a military build-up when
diplomatic solutions can lower the tension, as is shown by
the recent agreement. One can even
ask if these military build-ups do not endanger more peacefull solutions such
as diplomacy. Those questions are rarely asked but but to ask them might be in
the interest of the people of South East Asia.
Another main Dutch arms producer,
Thales Netherlands, is not only involved in the Vietnam deal, but is at the
same time working with the Chinese supposed enemy. The Dutch company is
supplying the radar and command, control, and communication systems for Chinese
build warships to be sold to Algeria (a €21 million or US$28 million deal). On
the
website of renowned military publisher IHS
Jane's is stated:
“To mitigate concerns about possible
industrial espionage in China, Thales will install sensitive components and
software only after the vessels have been delivered to Algeria.” But it is
undeniable that the cooperation between Thales Nederland and China Shipbuilding
is strengthening the later and is profitable for both. The cooperation sands
the barriers of the
EU military embargo on China.
Two major Dutch arms producers
are supporting two parties in the same conflict on the Spratlys. Armed forces
and governments on one side of the globe and arms companies on the other side
stress that the military 'solution' to a conflict is the sensible way, more
effective than any other, more sustainable solution. One can wonder if it is
about peace and security or about profit and power.
Arms
trade campaigning
NGO's in Europe campaigning on
arms trade mostly focus on corruption in arms deals, the relation between arms
trade and human rights violations and the abuse of scarce resources in the
country of destination for expensive arms contracts. Most campaigners and
researchers on arms trade consider South East Asia as a region for specialists.
The raising military export to the region however demands more attention.
One way in getting more influence
as a campaigner is just to publicize the facts. Here under a screen shot of the
European Network Against Arms Trade
database, based on the
fairly inaccessible official annual EU reports on arms sales. Information in
this database can be filtered for year, weapon type and country of origin or
destination. It is a easy tool for a quick overview. In the example data have
been selected on year 2012 and country of destination China.
Final remark
The arms trade is a
push market, where companies work hard to get new costumers convinced of the
need of the newest, most expensive technology. South East Asia is a very
profitable region for European arms companies. People should worry for the
peace in South East Asia, as Financial Times journalist Pillings was quoted at
the beginning of this article. Arms races generally do not contribute to peace
and security, on the contrary.
Martin Broek
Published:
Stop Wapenhandel, November 2014
Made possible with
the kind support of the
Trans National Institute (TNI).
Stop Wapenhandel is an independent
foundation researching and campaigning against arms trade and arms production.
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